Sunday, August 3, 2014

Sexuality


Sexuality
Approaches to understanding sexuality are categorized as either essentialist or social constructionist. Essentialism, focusing on the individual expression of human desire and pleasure, favors a biological explanation. Social constructionism, focusing on the relationship between individual and society, explores how sexuality is embedded in historical, political, and social practices. Foucault (1979) traces the history of the heterosexuality/homosexuality dichotomy to processes that began in the nineteenth century and the birth of sexology. Challenging essentialist conceptualizations of sex and sexuality as transhistorical and stable categories, Foucault claims that the discursive invention of sexuality as a biological instinct fundamental to understanding an individual's health, pathology and identity lead to biopower. While sex denoted the sexual act, sexuality symbolized the true essence of the individual. Sexual behavior represented the true nature and identity of an individual. While the sexologists favored a biological explanation, Freud's psychoanalytic theory of sexual development led to the psychological construction of different sexual identities. The individual progresses from an initial polymorphous sexuality in early childhood through to the development of a mature stable heterosexual identity in adulthood; homosexuality is a temporary (adolescent) stage of development. To sociologists, sexuality is derived from experiences constructed within social, cultural, and historical contexts. Sexual identities and behaviors develop herein; norms and cultural expectations guide individuals.

Sexual Foundations of society
The sex drive is one of the building blocks of human social life. While no inborn drive compels humans to act in any particular way, each drive consists of a set of recurrent tension states which impels people to some kind of activity to relieve the tension. Sexuality includes all the feelings and behavior linked to sex through either biology or social learning. The human shares with the anthropoids the biological fact of continuous sexuality meaning that the female may be sexually active at any time. The human female passes through no biological cycles of sexual acceptance and rejection. There are some species whose males and females associate continuously while mating only seasonally. Continuous sexuality therefore is not necessary for continuous association but it is a guarantee that the sexes will associate continuously. This makes continuous sexuality a part of the biological basis for human social life.

Thus human sex drive is notable for continuous sexuality which ensures the continuous association of the sexes, desire for continuity which makes for enduring sexual partnerships, the desire for variety which conflicts with the desire for continuity and remarkable pliability with sex interest channeled through whatever patterns a society has established as normal.

Sex – Differences
The human sexes are visibly different in some physical characteristics. Work-role ascription in simple societies was highly affected by physical sex differences. Men considerably exceed women in average upper body strength. Although women do a lot of moderately heavy physical labor in many societies, tasks calling for great strength or speed such as hunting, fighting, tree clearing or heavy lifting are nearly always done by men. The almost continuous childbearing and nursing in most societies has generally limited women’s work to that which could be combined with baby care work which was reptetive, interruptible and calling for no great physical strength. This had the effect of assigning most of the adventurous and exciting work to men and most of the drudgery to women. Yet there are several instances showing that functional practicality was not the only determinant of the gender work roles. In modern societies physical strength and reproductive function are less important factors in work-role ascription. Even the physical differences are shrinking.

In many fields of athletic competition, women are catching up with men. The gap between men’s and women’s records in all events which both enter has narrowed by an average of 1/3.According to Maccoby and Jacklin about the sex differences among Americans- the research shows boy’s greater aggressiveness, boys’ greater mathematical and visual –spatial differences and girls’ greater verbal ability. There are no significant sex differences in sociability, self-esteem, higher cognitive learnings, analytic ability, achievement motivation and responsiveness to visual stimuli. It is not certain that these ability differences are biological. They may be but not proved. All sex differences apart from reproductive system are average differences. These are not very great with a great deal of overlapping. It clearly shows that aside from physical strength and reproduction most sex differences are social products, not biological building blocks.Sex roles can be whatever a society makes them.

Changing sex roles
Women’s roles have shown great change throughout history. Women’s status was fairly high in ancient Egypt in sense of considerable independence, power and choice and low in early Greece and Roman Empire. The traditional sex-role ascription assumed a series of sex differences in abilities and limitations which are no longer believed by educated people. In traditional societies like Indian society it was easy to attribute one’s discriminatory practices to the will of God but it is now not acceptable. It is widely believed that normal sex roles are normal for only a specific time and place .Thus the intellectual foundation for the subordinate roles of women have been negated. The importance attributed to the work one does have always been closely related to one’s status and power. In ancient societies priests seemed to have greater control over the people. In hunting societies where men caught the food and women generally prepared it the man’s success in hunting determined whether the group ate or starved.

In agricultural societies, women’s contribution to food supply increased and women’s power also increased. Industrialization both in developed and developing countries lowered the status of women. It made men the primary breadwinners and women the helpers. But during the later stages of industrialization and in the post industrial society family size started shrinking and more women started working in factories. According to a research done by Blood and Wolfe the wife’s power within the family tends to vary according to how closely her pay check matches her husband’s. It can be safely said that while women have been slow in gaining power equal to their economic contribution, the economic base for male dominance is reducing considerably in both developed and developing nations.

Masculinity and Feminity
Masculinity and femininity refer to the differing feelings and behavior expected of males and females at a particular time and place and is largely a product of sex-role socialization. Such socialization has been accomplished in many ways, many of which are unintended and unconscious. In many societies men are being rewarded for being aggressive, competitive and career –oriented. Girls are required to be gentle and homely. Men have been trained to direct and command, women have been trained to obey and serve and to get their way through manipulation. Men are rated according to their career advancement while women are evaluated by their domestic skills. In many ways the sexes have been socialized to feel differently about themselves and to act differently. There is ample evidence to prove that sex-role stereotypes are very much alive today. In almost every work activity men are judged to be more competent than women.

A number of studies show that when women are successful it is likely to be attributed to either luck or great effort while men’s success is more often attributed to ability. No legislation can achieve genuine sex equality unless there are changes in the ways men and women feel about themselves and each other. Changing sex-role stereotypes is not easy. Our institutions are saturated with sexism deeply entrenched with tradition. Most personnel policies have been based upon the assumption that men’s career interests are primary and enduring while women’s career interests are temporary and secondary to their other interests.

Homosexuality
The term homosexual is applied both to persons who have a strong preference for sex partners of the same sex and to those who regardless of sex preference engage in sex relations with persons of the same sex.According to Ford a capacity to respond sexually to both sexes is present among humans and many other species. Homosexuality appears at least occasionally in all or nearly all human societies. It is either absent, rare or secret in about one third of the societies studied by Ford and Beach. In about two-thirds some form of homosexual behavior is considered acceptable and normal for at least some categories of people or stages of life. Homosexuals are very much like heterosexuals in every thing except sexual preference. A number of studies have found no other personality traits that distinguish homosexuals from heterosexuals. Apart from difficulties arising from the social treatment of homosexuals, personality maladjustments are no more common among homosexuals than among heterosexuals. The mental illness theory sees homosexuals as victims of sex-role confusion. According to psychiatric opinion the male homosexual is often a product of a dominating but seductive mother and a cold remote father. But the most comprehensive research study of homosexuals comparing large samples of homosexuals and heterosexuals found no significant differences in family backgrounds, parental types or relationships with parents. Several studies have found significant differences between the hormone levels of homosexuals and heterosexuals.


The social –learning theory holds that one learns homosexual behavior through the same reward-punishment system that shapes most social learning. According to this theory if most childhood and adolescent interaction with the opposite sex is pleasant and rewarding one becomes a heterosexual; if these experiences are uncomfortable and anxiety laden and if attempts at heterosexual intercourse are unsatisfying one may become a homosexual. The increased social acceptance of homosexuals in recent years has apparently not increased the number of homosexuals as expected if homosexuality were a learned sex role. There is no convincing evidence that having a homosexual parent, uncle or neighbor increases the likelihood of a child’s becoming a homosexual. It is difficult to agree upon rational set of social policies concerning homosexuality unless more research and studies are carried out.

The Kerala Model

The Kerala model of development, based on the development experience of the southern Indian state of Kerala, refers to the state's achievement of significant improvements in material conditions of living, reflected in indicators of social development that are comparable to that of many developed countries, even though the state's per capita income is low in comparison to them. Achievements such as low levels of infant mortality and population growth, and high levels of literacy and life expectancy, along with the factors responsible for such achievements have been considered the constituting elements of the Kerala model.
More precisely, the Kerala model has been defined as:
  • A set of high material quality-of-life indicators coinciding with low per-capita incomes, both distributed across nearly the entire population of Kerala.
  • A set of wealth and resource redistribution programmers that have largely brought about the high material quality-of-life indicators.
  • High levels of political participation and activism among ordinary people along with substantial numbers of dedicated leaders at all levels. Kerala's mass activism and committed cadre were able to function within a largely democratic structure, which their activism has served to reinforce.
In 1970
The Human Development Index, which was introduced by the United Nations Development Programme (a branch of the United Nations Organization), has become one of the most influential and widely used indices to measure human development across countries.
The economists noted that despite low incomes, the state had high literacy rates, healthy citizens, and a politically active population. Researchers began to delve more deeply into what was going in the Kerala Model, since human development indexes seemed to show a standard of living which was comparable with life in developed nations, on a fraction of the income. The development standard in Kerala is comparable to that of many first world nations, and is widely considered to be the highest in India at that time.
Despite having high standards of human development, the Kerala Model ranks low in terms of industrial and economic development. The high rate of education in the region has resulted in a brain drain, with many citizens migrating to other parts of the world for employment. The overall job market in Kerala is also very depressed, forcing many to relocate to places like Dubai.
In 1990
From 1990 onwards, the United Nations came with the Human Development Index (HDI). This is a composite statistic used to rank countries by level of "human development" and separate developed (high development), developing (middle development), and underdeveloped (low development) countries. The statistic is composed from data on Life Expectancy, Education and per-capita GDP (as an indicator of Standard of living) collected at the national level using a formula. This index, which has become one of the most influential and widely used indices to measure human development across countries, give Kerala Model an international recognition. The HDI has been used since 1990 by the United Nations Development Programme for its annual Human Development Reports. From the starting of this index, Kerala has topped in all parameters, even more than the developed countries.
In 2011
The India Human Development Report, 2011 prepared by Institute of Applied Manpower Research placed Kerala on top of the index for achieving highest literacy rate, quality health services and consumption expenditure of people.

6.2.3 Mass science education and local planning
Education
The Pallikkoodams started by Christian Missionaries paved the way for an Educational Revolution in Kerala by making education accessible to all, irrespective of caste or religion. Christian Missionaries introduced Modern Education to empower the common man to throw away the yoke of bondage inflicted by themselves by centuries old customs and practices. Communities such as Ezhavas, Nairs and Harijans were guided by great visionaries and monastic orders (Ashrams) – Sree Narayana Guru, Sree Chattambi Swamigal & Ayyankali – who exhorted them to educate themselves by starting their own schools. That resulted in numerous Sree Narayana schools and Nair Service society schools. The teachings of these saints have also empowered the poor and backward classes to organize themselves and bargain for their rights. Muslim Educational Society (MES) also made significant contributions to Education. However, all these would not have been possible unless under the 'Aided School' system had the Government of Kerala not undertook the operating expenses such as Salaries for running these Schools.
Kerala had been a notable centre of Vedic learning, having produced one of the most influential Hindu philosophers, Adi Shankaracharya. The Vedic learning of the Nambudiris is an unaltered tradition that still holds today, and is unique for its orthodoxy, unknown to other Indian communities. However, in feudal Kerala, though only the Nambudiris received an education in Vedam, other castes as well as women were open to receive education in Sanskrit, Mathematics and Astronomy, in contrast to other parts of India.
The upper castes, such as Nairs, Tamil Brahmin migrants, Ambalavasis, as well as backward castes such as Ezhavas had a strong history of Sanskrit learning. In fact many Ayurvedic Physicians (such as Itty Achudan) were from the backward Ezhava community. This level of learning by non-Brahmin learning was not seen in other parts of India. Also, Kerala had been the site of the notable Kerala School which pioneered principles of mathematics and logic, and cemented Kerala's status as a place of learning.
The prevalence of education was not only restricted to males. In pre-Colonial Kerala, women, especially those belonging to the matrilineal Nair caste, received an education in Sanskrit and other sciences, as well as Kalaripayattu (martial arts). This was unique to Kerala, but was facilitated by the inherent equality shown by Kerala society to females and males, since Kerala society was largely matrilineal, as opposed to the rigid patriarchy in other parts of India which led to a loss of women's rights.
The rulers of the Princely state of Travancore (Thiruvithaamkoor) were at the forefront in the spread of education. A school for girls was established by the Maharaja in 1859, which was an act unprecedented in the Indian subcontinent. In colonial times, Kerala exhibited little defiance against the British Raj. However, they had mass protests for social causes such as rights for "untouchables" and education for all. Popular protest to hold public officials accountable is a vital part of life in Kerala.
In the 1860s, the government spread the educational programs into Malabar, the northern state that had been ruled directly by the British, and began granting scholarships to Harijan (untouchables) and tribal peoples.[citation needed] By 1981, the general literacy rate in Kerala was 70 per cent – almost twice the all-India rate of 36 per cent. The rural literacy rate was almost identical, and female literacy, at 66 per cent, was not far behind. The government continued to press the issue, aiming for "total literacy," usually defined as about 95 per cent of the people being able to read and write.
A pilot project began in the Ernakulam region, an area of 3 million people that includes the city of Kochi. In late 1988, 50,000 volunteers fanned out around the district, tracking down 175,000 illiterates between the ages of 5 and 60, two-thirds of them women. Within a year, it was hoped, the illiterates would read Malayalam at 30 words a minute, copy a text at 7 words a minute, count and write from 1 to 100, and add and subtract three-digit numbers. On 4 February 1990, 13 months after the initial canvass, Indian Prime Minister V. P. Singh marked the start of World Literacy Year with a trip to Ernakulam, declaring it the country's first totally literate district. Kerala's literacy rate 91% (2001 survey) is almost as high as in China (93%) or Thailand (93.9%).
Local Planning
People's Plan Campaign, held in 1996 in Kerala State, was a remarkable experiment in decentralization of powers to local governments with focus on local planning. Kerala State lying in the south-west part of India, is considered a fertile land for decentralization. In India's Ninth Five-Year Plan, each state within the national federation was expected to draws up its own annual plan and the Peoples Plan was an off-shoot of it.
In the beginning of the ninth plan, the Government of Kerala took a bold decision to devolve 35% of the state development budget down from a centralized bureaucracy to local governments where local people could determine and implement their own development priorities under the People’s Plan Campaign (PPC).
Decentralization is, basically, the process of devolving the functions and resources of the State from the centre to the elected governments at the lower levels so as to facilitate greater direct participation by the citizens in governance. Peoples Planning is an attempt in this direction.
In Kerala, decentralized planning that followed the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments and enabling enactments in the State in 1994 started off as the People’s Plan Campaign and progressed with institutionalization at different levels. The important landmarks during the 9th Five Year Plan (since 1995)
include:
 · Transfer of powers, functions, institutions and staff to local governments initiated in October 1995 and completed by July 2000; the transferred officials were given a dual responsibility and accountability to both the PRIs and the line Departments for execution of their respective plan programs;
 · Adoption of a separate budget document exclusively for Local Self Governments (LSGs) {since February 1996} and the introduction of a formula for allocation of Plan funds(Grants in aid) among LSGs
 · Decision to devolve 35 to 40% of the plan funds to local governments announced in July 1996; around 90% of this was devolved with the condition that at least 30% should be spent on Productive sectors, not more than 30% should be invested on Infrastructure and at least 10% should be earmarked for Development programs for Women;
 · Launching of the People’s plan Campaign in August 1996 with multi-pronged socio-political mobilization and sensitization of people with effective participation of organizations like Kerala Sasthra Sahitya Parishad (KSSP); this was being associated with institution-building at different tiers and levels; Restructuring of the Kerala Panchayat Raj Act and the Kerala Municipality Act in 1999,based on the recommendations of the Committee on Decentralization of Powers (known as Sen Committee)
· Submission of First and Second State Finance Commission Reports in February 1996 and January 2001 respectively, reviewing the financial position of Local Self Governments and making recommendations therein.

6.2.3 Does Kerala show an alternative model of sustainable development?

At a time when disillusion with neo-liberal development nostrums is mounting, alternative models of development are being revisited. Kerala's 30 million people may not have experienced rapid growth in GDP per capita, but they have for the past several decades achieved a remarkable social record in terms of adult literacy, infant mortality, life expectancy, stabilizing population growth, and narrowing gender and spatial gaps. What are the political, social and cultural factors responsible for Kerala's success? Does its human development record necessarily relate to sustainability in environmental terms? What realistic view can be taken of its replicability elsewhere in India or further afield in the South? These are among the most important questions explored in this timely reassessment.

Dowry

Social Problems faced by Women : Dowry

Max Radin has defined dowry as the property, which a man receives from his wife or her family at the time of his marriage. Dowry may be broadly defined as gifts and valuables received in marriage by the bride, the bridegroom and his relatives. The amount of dowry is regulated by factors like boy's service and salary, social and economic status of the girl's father, the social prestige of the boy's family, educational qualifications of the girl and the boy, girl's working and her salary, girl's and boy's beauty and features, future prospects of economic security, size and the composition of the girl's and boy's family and factors like that. What is significant is that girl's parents give her money and gifts not only at the time of her wedding but they continue to give gifts to her husband's family throughout the life. McKim Marriott holds that the feeling behind this is that one's daughter and sister at marriage become the helpless possession of an alien kinship group and to secure her good treatment, lavish hospitality must be offered to her in-laws from time to time.
One of the causes of dowry is the desire and aspiration of every parent to marry his daughter in a higher and a rich family to keep up or to add to his prestige and also to prove comforts and security to the daughter. The high marriage- market values of the boys belonging to rich and high social status families have swelled the amount of dowry.
Other cause of the existence of dowry is that giving dowry is a social custom and it is very difficult to change customs all of a sudden. The feeling is that practicing customs generates and strengthens solidarity and cohesiveness among people. Many people give and take dowry only because their parents and ancestors had been practicing it. Custom has stereotyped the old dowry system and till some rebellious youth muster courage to abolish it and girls resist social pressures to give it, people will stick to it.
Amongst Hindus, marriage in the same caste and sub-caste has been prescribed by the social and religious practices with the result that choice of selecting a mate is always restricted. This results in the paucity of young boys who have high salaried jobs or promising careers in the profession. They become scarce commodities and their parents demand huge amount of money from the girl's parents to accept her as their daughter-in-law, as if girls and chattel for which the bargain has to be made. Nevertheless, their scarcity is exacerbated and aggravated by the custom of marriage in the same caste.
A few people give more dowries just to exhibit their high social and economic status. Jains and Rajputs, for example, spend lakhs of rupees in the marriage of their daughters just to show their high status or keep their prestige in the society even if they have to borrow money.


The most important cause of accepting dowry by the grooms' parents is that they have to give dowry to their daughters and sisters. Naturally, they look to the dowry of their sons to meet their obligations in finding husbands for their daughters. For instance, an individual who may be against the dowry system is compelled to accept fifty to sixty thousand rupees in cash in dowry only because he has to spend an equal amount in his sister's or daughter's marriage. The vicious circle starts and the amount of dowry goes on increasing till it assumes a scandalous proportion.

Social Institutions

Social institutions are groups of persons banded together for common purposes.  The common purposes include having rights, privileges, liabilities, goals, or objectives distinct and independent from those of individual members.  Examples of social institutions are communities and educational institutions.
A social institution may be defined as an organizational system which functions to satisfy basic social needs by providing an ordered framework linking the individual to the larger culture.
THE BASIC INSTITUTIONS
FAMILY
RELIGION
GOVERNMENT
EDCATION
ECONOMICS
GENERAL FUCTIONS OF SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS
1. Institution Satisfy the Basic Needs of Society.
2. Institution Define Dominant Social Values. "Bill of Rights"
3. Institutions Establish Permanent Patterns of Social Behavior Monogamy

4. Institutions Support Other Institutions.

Talcott Parsons


Talcott Parsons (1902-82) was for many years the best-known sociologist in the United States, and indeed one of the best-known in the world. He produced a general theoretical system for the analysis of society that came to be called structural functionalism. Parsons' analysis was largely developed within his major published works:
The Structure of Social Action (1937),
The Social System (1951),
Structure and Process in Modern Societies (1960),
Sociological Theory and Modern Society (1968),
Politics and Social Structure (1969).
Parsons was an advocate of "grand theory," an attempt to integrate all the social sciences into an overarching theoretical framework. His early work"The Structure of Social Action"reviewed the output of his great predecessors, especially Max Weber, Vilfredo Pareto, and Émile Durkheim, and attempted to derive from them a single "action theory" based on the assumptions that human action is voluntary, intentional, and symbolic. Later, he became intrigued with, and involved in, an astonishing range of fields: from medical sociology (where he developed the concept of the sick role to psychoanalysis-personally undergoing full training as a lay analyst) to anthropology, to small group dynamics to race relations and then economics and education.

Parsons is also well known for his idea that every group or society tends to fulfill four "functional imperatives".

  • adaptation to the physical and social environment;
  • goal attainment, which is the need to define primary goals and enlist individuals to strive to attain these goals;
  • integration, the coordination of the society or group as a cohesive whole;
  • latency, maintaining the motivation of individuals to perform their roles according to social expectations.

Parsons contributed to the field of social evolutionism and neoevolutionism. He divided evolution into four subprocesses:

  1. division, which creates functional subsystems from the main system;
  2. adaptation, where those systems evolve into more efficient versions;
  3. inclusion of elements previously excluded from the given systems; and
  4. generalization of values, increasing the legitimization of the ever-more complex system.

Furthermore, Parsons explored these subprocesses within three stages of evolution: 1) primitive, 2) archaic and 3) modern (where archaic societies have the knowledge of writing, while modern have the knowledge of law). Parsons viewed the Western civilisation as the pinnacle of modern societies, and out of all western cultures he declared the United States as the most dynamically developed. For this, he was attacked as an ethnocentrist.Parsons' late work focused on a new theoretical synthesis around four functions common (he claimed) to all systems of action-from the behavioral to the cultural, and a set of symbolic media that enable communication across them. His attempt to structure the world of action according to a mere four concepts was too much for many American sociologists, who were at that time retreating from the grand pretensions of the 1960s to a more empirical, grounded approach.

Pattern variables

Parsons asserted that there were two dimensions to societies: instrumental and expressive. By this he meant that there are qualitative differences between kinds of social interaction. Essentially, he observed that people can have personalized and formally detached relationships based on the roles that they play. The characteristics that were associated with each kind of interaction he called the pattern variables.Some examples of expressive societies would include families, churches, clubs, crowds, and smaller social settings. Examples of instrumental societies would include bureaucracies, aggregates, and markets.
Affectivity Vs affective neutrality : When actor is oriented towards maximum satisfaction from a given choice.
Particularism Vs.Universalism: Situations are judged according to uniform criteria (universalism) and not according to actor or individuals relation with the given subject(particularism).
Quality Vs Performance : Defining people on the basis of biological difference and performance is judging people according to their performance and capacity.

Self orientation Vs Collective Orientation when the actor acts out of personal interest it is self orientation.

Wednesday, July 16, 2014

Sociology of religion

Sociology of religion is the study of the beliefs, practices and organizational forms of religion using the tools and methods of the discipline of sociology. This objective investigation may include the use of both quantitative methods (surveys, polls, demographic and census analysis) and qualitative approaches such as participant observation, interviewing, and analysis of archival, historical and documentary materials.
Modern academic sociology began with the analysis of religion in Émile Durkheim's 1897 study of suicide rates among Catholic and Protestant populations, a foundational work of social research which served to distinguish sociology from other disciplines, such as psychology. The works of Karl Marx and Max Weber emphasized the relationship between religion and the economic or social structure of society. Contemporary debates have centered on issues such as secularization, civil religion, and the cohesiveness of religion in the context of globalization and multiculturalism. The contemporary sociology of religion may also encompass the sociology of irreligion (for instance, in the analysis of secular humanist belief systems).

Sociology of religion is distinguished from the philosophy of religion in that it does not set out to assess the validity of religious beliefs. The process of comparing multiple conflicting dogmas may require what Peter L. Berger has described as inherent "methodological atheism". Whereas the sociology of religion broadly differs from theology in assuming indifference to the supernatural, theorists tend to acknowledge socio-cultural reification of religious practice.
Classical, seminal sociological theorists of the late 19th and early 20th century such as Durkheim, Weber, and Marx were greatly interested in religion and its effects on society. Like those of Plato and Aristotle from ancient Greece, and Enlightenment philosophers from the 17th through 19th centuries, the ideas posited by these sociologists continue to be examined today. More recent prominent sociologists of religion include Peter L. Berger, Robert N. Bellah, Thomas Luckmann, Rodney Stark, William Sims Bainbridge, Robert Wuthnow, Christian Smith, and Bryan R. Wilson.
Karl Marx

"Marx was the product of the Enlightenment, embracing its call to replace faith by reason and religion by science." Despite his later influence, Karl Marx did not view his work as an ethical or ideological response to nineteenth-century capitalism (as most later commentators have). His efforts were, in his mind, based solely on what can be called applied science. Marx saw himself as doing morally neutral sociology and economic theory for the sake of human development. As Christiano states, "Marx did not believe in science for science's sake…he believed that he was also advancing a theory that would…be a useful tool…[in] effecting a revolutionary upheaval of the capitalist system in favor of socialism." (124) As such, the crux of his arguments was that humans are best guided by reason. Religion, Marx held, was a significant hindrance to reason, inherently masking the truth and misguiding followers. As we will later see, Marx viewed social alienation as the heart of social inequality. The antithesis to this alienation is freedom. Thus, to propagate freedom means to present individuals with the truth and give them a choice to accept or deny it. In this, "Marx never suggested that religion ought to be prohibited." (Christiano 126)

Central to Marx's theories was the oppressive economic situation in which he dwelt. With the rise of European industrialism, Marx and his colleague Friedrich Engels witnessed and responded to the growth of what he called "surplus value." Marx's view of capitalism saw rich capitalists getting richer and their workers getting poorer (the gap, the exploitation, was the "surplus value"). Not only were workers getting exploited, but in the process they were being further detached from the products they helped create. By simply selling their work for wages, "workers simultaneously lose connection with the object of labor and become objects themselves. Workers are devalued to the level of a commodity – a thing…" (Ibid 125) From this objectification comes alienation. The common worker is led to believe that he or she is a replaceable tool, and is alienated to the point of extreme discontent. Here, in Marx's eyes, religion enters. Capitalism utilizes our tendency towards religion as a tool or ideological state apparatus to justify this alienation. Christianity teaches that those who gather up riches and power in this life will almost certainly not be rewarded in the next ("it is harder for a rich man to enter the Kingdom of Heaven than it is for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle...") while those who suffer oppression and poverty in this life, while cultivating their spiritual wealth, will be rewarded in the Kingdom of God. Thus Marx's famous line - "religion is the opium of the people", as it soothes them and dulls their senses to the pain of oppression.
Émile Durkheim

Émile Durkheim placed himself in the positivist tradition, meaning that he thought of his study of society as dispassionate and scientific. He was deeply interested in the problem of what held complex modern societies together. Religion, he argued, was an expression of social cohesion.
In the fieldwork that led to his famous Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Durkheim, a secular Frenchman, looked at anthropological data of Indigenous Australians. His underlying interest was to understand the basic forms of religious life for all societies. In Elementary Forms, Durkheim argues that the totems the Aborigines venerate are actually expressions of their own conceptions of society itself. This is true not only for the Aborigines, he argues, but for all societies.
Religion, for Durkheim, is not "imaginary," although he does deprive it of what many believers find essential. Religion is very real; it is an expression of society itself, and indeed, there is no society that does not have religion. We perceive as individuals a force greater than ourselves, which is our social life, and give that perception a supernatural face. We then express ourselves religiously in groups, which for Durkheim makes the symbolic power greater. Religion is an expression of our collective consciousness, which is the fusion of all of our individual consciousnesses, which then creates a reality of its own.

It follows, then, that less complex societies, such as the Australian Aborigines, have less complex religious systems, involving totems associated with particular clans. The more complex a particular society, the more complex the religious system is. As societies come in contact with other societies, there is a tendency for religious systems to emphasize universalism to a greater and greater extent. However, as the division of labor makes the individual seem more important (a subject that Durkheim treats extensively in his famous Division of Labor in Society), religious systems increasingly focus on individual salvation and conscience.
Durkheim's definition of religion, from Elementary Forms, is as follows: "A religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden – beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them." (Marx, introduction) This is a functional definition of religion, meaning that it explains what religion does in social life: essentially, it unites societies. Durkheim defined religion as a clear distinction between the sacred and the profane, in effect this can be paralleled with the distinction between God and humans.
This definition also does not stipulate what exactly may be considered sacred. Thus later sociologists of religion (notably Robert Bellah) have extended Durkheimian insights to talk about notions of civil religion, or the religion of a state. American civil religion, for example, might be said to have its own set of sacred "things": the Flag of the United States, Abraham Lincoln, Martin Luther King Jr., etc. Other sociologists have taken Durkheim's concept of what religion is in the direction of the religion of professional sports, the military, or of rock music.
Max Weber

Max Weber published four major texts on religion in a context of economic sociology and his rationalization thesis: The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1905), The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism (1915), The Religion of India: The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism (1915), and Ancient Judaism (1920).
In his sociology, Weber uses the German term "Verstehen" to describe his method of interpretation of the intention and context of human action. Weber is not a positivist – in the sense that he does not believe we can find out "facts" in sociology that can be causally linked. Although he believes some generalized statements about social life can be made, he is not interested in hard positivist claims, but instead in linkages and sequences, in historical narratives and particular cases.
Weber argues for making sense of religious action on its own terms. A religious group or individual is influenced by all kinds of things, he says, but if they claim to be acting in the name of religion, we should attempt to understand their perspective on religious grounds first. Weber gives religion credit for shaping a person's image of the world, and this image of the world can affect their view of their interests, and ultimately how they decide to take action.

For Weber, religion is best understood as it responds to the human need for theodicy and soteriology. Human beings are troubled, he says, with the question of theodicy – the question of how the extraordinary power of a divine god may be reconciled with the imperfection of the world that he has created and rules over. People need to know, for example, why there is undeserved good fortune and suffering in the world. Religion offers people soteriological answers, or answers that provide opportunities for salvation – relief from suffering, and reassuring meaning. The pursuit of salvation, like the pursuit of wealth, becomes a part of human motivation.
Because religion helps to define motivation, Weber believed that religion (and specifically Calvinism) actually helped to give rise to modern capitalism, as he asserted in his most famous and controversial work, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.
In The Protestant Ethic, Weber argues that capitalism arose in Europe in part because of how the belief in predestination was interpreted by everyday English Puritans. Puritan theology was based on the Calvinist notion that not everyone would be saved; there was only a specific number of the elect who would avoid damnation, and this was based sheerly on God's predetermined will and not on any action you could perform in this life. Official doctrine held that one could not ever really know whether one was among the elect.
Practically, Weber noted, this was difficult psychologically: people were (understandably) anxious to know whether they would be eternally damned or not. Thus Puritan leaders began assuring members that if they began doing well financially in their businesses, this would be one unofficial sign they had God's approval and were among the saved – but only if they used the fruits of their labor well. This along with the rationalism implied by monotheism led to the development of rational bookkeeping and the calculated pursuit of financial success beyond what one needed simply to live – and this is the "spirit of capitalism." Over time, the habits associated with the spirit of capitalism lost their religious significance, and rational pursuit of profit became its own aim.
The Protestant Ethic thesis has been much critiqued, refined, and disputed, but is still a lively source of theoretical debate in sociology of religion. Weber also did considerable work in world religions, including Hinduism and Buddhism.
In his magnum opus Economy and Society Weber distinguished three ideal types of religious attitudes:
1. world-flying mysticism2. world-rejecting asceticism3. inner-worldly asceticism

He also separated magic as pre-religious activity.

Birth Control

Sociological Perspective: Birth Control
By: Kate Fawcett, Sarah Owens, and Wesley Ply


This topic will explore the topic of birth control from different sociological perspectives. It will discuss how birth control, an issue of our social world, can connect individual experiences and societal relationships. We will discuss American contraceptive culture, how society influences the individual’s views through the media, and demonstrate how different forms of conflict theory can influence the perception of birth control. 
Culture from a sociological perspective is made up of many components. There are tangible components, such as technology and symbols, and there are intangible components, such as values, beliefs, norms, and taboos. Culture changes through out history as discoveries are made and new inventions are created. There are subcultures that are considered deviant from society that form their own set of tangible and intangible components. When looking at birth control as a part of American culture, it is easy to identify our symbols, beliefs, and norms of using birth control. However, it was not always like this. As stated above, culture changes with discoveries and inventions and it has been an uphill battle for birth control to be considered a norm. Today, there are still subcultures that completely condemn the use of any contraception.
The pill, condoms, spermicides, intra-uterine devices, diaphragms, vaginal rings, and the morning after pill are all examples of the tangible components of birth control in our culture. There are literally 20+ methods of contraception to choose from in our culture today. These methods can also be a symbol of maturity or promiscuity. To a teenage boy, receiving a condom from his dad before he goes on a date can be a symbol of the boy maturing and coming of age. It can also be a sign of the dad’s respect or trust that he has for his son. While the pill has many different medical uses, seeing a teenage girl using the pill can be a symbol of her promiscuity. In college, some girls may view the pill as a symbol of her independence and ability to make her own decisions. Each method can have a different symbolic meaning to different people.
The values, beliefs, norms, and taboos of birth control in our culture vary but there is an overall acceptance of contraception that wasn’t there before.  There is a belief among Americans that contraception is a smart and healthy choice. There has even been a push to make the pill an over the counter drug. Statistics show that the vast majority of sexually active Americans use some form of birth control making it a social norm of our culture. Of course these beliefs are not shared among all Americans. There are many who believe contraception to be morally wrong, mainly for religious reasons, who do not use any form of birth control even during marriage. This would be a taboo to our culture now. They might even be considered a subculture that has developed their own cultural components.
The acceptance of birth control is a relatively recent cultural conception. Congress passed an anti-obscenity law that deemed birth control information obscene and outlaws it’s dissemination in 1873. Since then, technology and science have greatly progressed and new methods of birth control were invented and tested. The social view of contraception slowly began to change from obscene to healthy. This is not all due to the advance in technology. The beliefs and values of Americans concerning sex began to change as well, taking on the perspective that sex is more acceptable. In 1965, Griswold v. Connecticut made the prohibition of contraceptives illegal, setting the course for American culture and birth control in the years to follow.
Society’s opinion of birth control heavily influences the media that we see involving the topic. On the other hand, various mediums of advertisements and commercials play a huge role in providing the public with knowledge of the methods and facts concerning birth control as well as swaying their opinions on the topic. Some of the first birth control pill advertisements were seen in 2000, with Tri-Cyclen. There is a direct correlation with the time that commercials for various birth control methods came about with society’s opinion on the topic as a whole. The United States government began supporting birth control clinics in 1974, and it was not much later that public messages endorsing contraceptive through various mediums were accepted. The FDA accepted the pill as an effective and safe contraceptive in 1990 and a decade later, multiple television and magazine advertisements for the pill would be seen by millions of Americans. As time as progressed, especially with society’s growing acceptance of the pill as well as other forms of birth control, the media has received more freedom in selecting and placing what was once seen as controversial or sacrilegious advertisements and endorsements for various contraceptives. Although companies have been more liberal about the content of birth control advertisements in recent years, many companies still tread on thin ice with media promoting or even involving contraceptive methods.
Many perspectives are based on items seen in magazines, on television, popular culture as well as life pressures.  Throughout the late 60s, catholic officials refused to accept any form of birth control, including the pill. However, due to the need for it as well as the influence media placed on many individuals, over two thirds of catholic women across the world were on the pill at that time. As more information has become available to women and their spouses, the acceptance of birth control has become more widespread. In recent happenings, society’s common “need” for birth control has stopped many republican governors and representatives from making various forms of birth control illegal or much more difficult to obtain. Media and pressure from spouses are major contributing factors to a woman’s decision to start taking birth control.
Deciding what form of birth control to use is dictated by when you believe that life begins.  Contraceptives are the most utilized form of birth control, and are defined as any process, device or method used to prevent conception.  Conception marks the onset of pregnancy, and once this occurs the only birth control option is abortion.  Abortion is a very controversial topic in our society and women are forced to make decisions based on their beliefs.  Conflict theory is the idea that conflict between competing interests is the basic, animating force of social change and society in general.  The conflict in abortion is the battle between “pro-life” and “pro-choice”.  These competing interests are what drive most advertisements for birth control in our society.  Advertisements can be seen everywhere, either promoting “choice” or promoting “life”.  Laws have also been passed because of these competing interests.  All states had banned abortion by 1965, but in 1973 the Supreme Court in the famous case of Roe v. Wade, declared state abortion laws to be unconstitutional.  The conflicting beliefs of different groups in our society have been the cause for major changes in our societies views and even our laws. 
One type of conflict theory is feminist theory, which involves the advocacy of social equality for women.  In today’s society, women are becoming more and more active in the work force.  Women are becoming just as successful as men, and are much more career oriented than they were in the past.  In many cases, women are faced with the conflict of deciding between starting a family or focusing on their career.  Traditionally women were expected to be stay at home moms, but with the rise in birth control methods and awareness, women have become empowered to make their own decisions on whether to have children or not.  Recently women have been trying to increase the availability of birth control.  Georgetown Law student Sandra Fluke went before a Democratic hearing in February asking them to consider including free contraceptive pills in the new health care bill.  She claims that she spent $3000 on contraceptives during her three-year period in law school.  This caused a lot of controversy among right-winged conservatives specifically catching the attention of radio host, Rush Limbaugh, who called her a “prostitute” because taxpayers would be paying for her to have sex.  As you can imagine, there was a large outcry from feminist throughout the country, and Sandra Fluke has become a symbol for women’s empowerment and contraceptive availability. 

Birth control, although more widely accepted now, is still a controversial issue in our social world. Companies must take into consideration culture, society’s pull, and conflicting ideologies when promoting their contraceptive methods. It is important to look at this issue from a sociological perspective to gain a better understanding as to why birth control is such a prominent topic.

Article Credit: http://birthcontrolsoc302.blogspot.com/2012/04/this-blog-will-explore-topic-of-birth.html